The candidate lists prior to the elections form one of the most critical political curves for parties.

It carries two meanings.

It shows the voter the latest situation of what type of profile a political party carries, and it also displays the party's tendencies and intentions in the latest period. We can also accept the candidate lists, in a sense, as an indirect signal towards the segments that want to be addressed.

On the other hand, every political party's candidate list is that party's inner configuration - the latest configuration - and this gives an idea of what direction the party is headed. Fights, rivalries and individual burdens in domestic government are included in this.

The candidate list for the June 7th General Elections began taking shape yesterday. However, at the time this writing was being put down on paper, it was not completely clear. Starting today, both of these points will be fully evaluated.

Let us look closer at the situation from all we know.

A variety of questions were being asked about the AK Party lists for quite some time.

The questions at the forefront were centered on how the Erdoğan - Davutoğlu relationship would affect these lists. On what criteria would Erdoğan's role and the renewal of AK Party be based?

Despite the expectations of the opposition, no type of issue emerged between Erdoğan and Davutoğlu.

We need to connect this to the joint binary vision, to Erdoğan's liberal standing related to the party, especially to AK Party's inner institutive properties and to the arbitration done for the inner party candidate determination mechanisms.

AK Party is a political party that holds primary elections within themselves and leaves the final word to its political headquarters. They are a party that operates through meeting and elimination mechanisms. This situation helps avoid the decisions becoming personal and it prevents any type of tension.

The criteria for the 12-year ruling AK Party has been set for a long time: By taking the conservative belonging and charity as the nucleus, merit comes after in a ratio that follows close behind.

It won't be wrong to assume that Erdoğan will have a more certain attitude after the December 17-25 crises wave that caused insecurity in himself and in his circle.

In response to this, it won't be shocking for Davutoğlu to usher new elites from the conservative circle into politics.

The main opposition party CHP's situation is a little more mixed up. This party's list was clarified and it made two mechanisms clear:

Primary elections and contingents are decisions of the political party's headquarters.

When we look at “So what is the outcome?” it is evident that this party's eclectic foundation is still continuing.

Let us put it this way:

CHP has made changes to its usual people; it seems that the party will carry new “elite” and “representative” names to the parliament.

It is seen that a particular place for economic specialists and women has opened.

However, the most important two factors is that close names to Kılıçdaroğlu prevailed from the central examination, and aside from Alevi candidates, neo-nationalist and reactive candidates placed their weight on the wings to some extent for the primary elections.

This picture means that the CHP's current foundation must completely be reproduced. A more detailed situation for both parties will be possible to look at when HDP and MHP expound their lists.